Wages and Wage Inequality in South Africa 1994–2011: Part 1 – Wage Measurement and Trends

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/saje.12148
Date01 June 2017
AuthorMartin Wittenberg
Published date01 June 2017
WAGES AND WAGE INEQUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICA
1994–2011: PART 1 – WAGE MEASUREMENT AND TRENDS
MARTIN WITTENBERG*
Abstract
We analyse the long-term trends in wage inequality in South Africa, using household survey
data. We show that the trends in household income inequality are largely driven by changes in
wage inequality. Given the detailed nature of our series we show that measurement issues and
breaks in the series need to be dealt with in order to draw robust conclusions from the data.
Most standard inequality measures show that wage inequality has increased over the period.
Nevertheless the choice of measure matters, because there are different trends in different parts of
the distribution. It appears that the distribution below the median has become more compressed,
while the top of the wage distribution has moved away from the median. The inequality in the
labour market translates into even higher inequality in society given that high earners tend to live
together with other high earners while low wage individuals often end up sharing their incomes
with the unemployed. Furthermore there are many South Africans with access to no wage
income. Given the trends analysed here it is not surprising that overall inequality in South Africa
has not come down or has even increased since the end of apartheid.
JEL Classification: C13, C42, J31
Keywords: wages, income brackets, missing data, multiple imputations, outlier detection
1. INTRODUCTION
Inequality is again on the centre-stage in the international debate, with the run-away suc-
cess of Piketty’s book “Capital in the Twenty-First Century” (Piketty, 2014). In many
countries in the world inequality has widened over the last few decades, with gains dis-
proportionately concentrated at the top end of the income distribution. This may be due
to the weakening of redistributive policies in many OECD countries: tax rates on top
earners and on corporations have come down, while union power has significantly weak-
ened across the board.
* Corresponding author: DataFirst, SALDRU and School of Economics, University of Cape
Town. E-mail: martin.wittenberg@uct.ac.za
This paper draws on and extends work reported on in two working papers, Wittenberg and
Pirouz (2013) and Wittenberg (2014). Some of the original data work was done with the sup-
port of an infrastructure grant to DataFirst from the Redi3x3 project on “Employment/
Unemployment, Income Distribution and Inclusive Growth.” The Vice-Chancellor’s Strategic
Fund of the University of Cape Town paid for the initial construction of the PALMS dataset
without which this research would not have been possible. The ILO commissioned some of
the initial analyses of wage trends, which are reported in Wittenberg (2014). I would like to
acknowledge the helpful comments and support from Patrick Belser and Kristen Sobeck in
that work. I would also like to thank the editor of the SAJE Steven Koch as well as two anon-
ymous referees for helpful comments.
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C2016 Economic Society of South Africa. doi: 10.1111/saje.12148
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South African Journal of Economics Vol. 85:2 June 2017
South African Journal
of Economics
South Africa is in some respects an anomaly: the government that came into power in
1994 was explicitly committed to redistribution and was in alliance with the trade union
movement. Unlike in many other countries, union influence was actually extended
through the labour relations system during this period. Nonetheless, as we will show
later, inequality in labour earnings still widened during this period.
The South African case is therefore of considerable interest more generally. Indeed
Piketty opens his analysis (2014, p. 39) with the Marikana massacre. That conflict was
sparked by the suspicion that the bosses were benefitting more from growth than the
workers, i.e. the impression of widening inequality is itself becoming a cause of labour
instability.
Understanding wage trends in South Africa post-1994 is therefore important: it is
interesting to South Africans in its own right, because the question of the distribution of
the benefits of growth is central to the political debate; and it might illuminate the proc-
esses underpinning the growth of inequality more generally. Bhorat et al. (2001),
Leibbrandt et al. (2010) and Leibbrandt et al. (2012) have argued that labour ma rket
inequality is a key component of overall South African inequality, accounting for around
85–91% of total income inequality.
Analysing wage trends should be fairly straightforward, given that South Africa has
been collecting survey data on earnings since at least 1994. Nevertheless this has not
been a focus of research recently. Indeed, as noted in Wittenberg and Pirouz (2013), the
series is bedevilled by breaks in the measurement process. So one of the more significant
general lessons to emerge from South Africa is the importance of careful measurement
for the analysis of inequality.
In this paper we will present the first systematic look at the long-run trends, deal-
ing with as many of the measurement issues as possible. In the process we will argue
thatconfrontingthemisnotaminorcomponentoftheresearch:itisabsolutelycen-
tral if one wishes to get the trends right. This paper is the first in a two article series.
Here we consider the measurement of wages and wage trends, while we turn the
attention to the measurement of inequality in the accompanying paper (Wittenberg,
in press).
The plan of the discussion for this paper is as follows: in the next section we
review the literature. We then talk about the data underpinning our study and focus
on three key measurement issues: changes in the instrument, outliers and missing
data (including bracket responses). We show why these issues matter. In section 4 we
discuss the methods for analysing the data. In particular we discuss the algorithms
for detecting outliers and multiple imputations. In section 5 we show the impact of
different types of data quality adjustments on mean wages, percentiles of the wage
distribution, and Gini coefficients. In the final section we discuss wage trends and
the evolution of wage inequality. We show that real wages have risen over the 1994
to 2011 period, but that the mean has pulled away from the median, leading to a
noticeable rise in overall wage inequality.
2. LITERATURE REVIEW
The earnings information in South African household surveys has been used to many
ends: to estimate discrimination (e.g. Rospabe, 2002), investigate the union wage pre-
mium (e.g. Schultz and Mwabu, 1998; Butcher and Rouse, 2001), or to estimate returns
280 South African Journal of Economics Vol. 85:2 June 2017
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C2016 Economic Society of South Africa.

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