The relationship between tax incentives and human rights obligations in the drive to attract foreign direct investment: Are developing countries in Africa getting it right?

JurisdictionSouth Africa
Citation2018 Acta Juridica 149
Published date19 December 2019
Pages149-182
Date19 December 2019
149
The relationship between tax incentives
and human rights obligations in the
drive to attract foreign direct investment:
Are developing countries
in Africa getting it right?
AFTON TITUS* AND TRACY GUTUZA
Tax incentives are a key feature of the tax policy decisions made in
developing countries, notwithstanding the literature expressing doubt
as to whether tax incentives are eective in fullling their purpose
of attracting foreign direct investment (FDI). A concern often raised
is that the cost to developing countries of oering tax incentives
may be more than the benets that such tax incentives provide. This
essay contributes to this literature by questioning whether developing
countries factor in their obligations under the international agreements
they have signed when introducing tax incentives. This essay considers
several African countries that have signed human rights instruments –
such as the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights – and whether the design of the tax incentives these countries
oer shows evidence of an awareness of the obligations undertaken
under the identied instruments.
I INTRODUCTION
It has become common place for developing countries to oer tax
incentives as a means to attract foreign direct investment (FDI).1 FDI
is dened by the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and
Development (OECD) as a ‘category of investment that reects the
objective of establishing a lasting interest by a resident enterprise in
* BCom (Financial Accounting and Law) LLB MCom in Taxation (UCT) PhD
Candidate at the Amsterdam Centre for Tax Law, University of Amsterdam; Senior
Lecturer in Commercial Law, University of Cape Town.
LLB (UCT) LLM (UNISA) LLM (UCL) PhD (UCT); Associate Professor in
Commercial Law, University of Cape Town.
1 See, eg, Argentina, Brazil, Egypt, India, Indonesia and Mexico, as mentioned
in E Quick, TA Kruise & A Pickering Rules to Give By: A Global Philanthropy Legal
Environment Index (2014).
2018 Acta Juridica 149
© Juta and Company (Pty) Ltd
150 FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT AND THE LAW
one economy (direct investment) in an enterprise (direct investment
enterprise) that is a resident in an economy other than that of the
direct investor’. This investment is a long-term relationship with a
signicant degree of inuence in the management of the enterprise.
FDI must be distinguished from portfolio investment, where the
investment is a shorter term investment with the value of the
investment being the shares held, as opposed to the production of
goods and services by the enterprise.2 Tax incentives can take the
form of reduced corporate income tax rates, tax holidays, investment
allowances, and special economic zones (SEZs).3
One of the policy reasons underlying the introduction of tax
incentives is the belief that such incentives will attract FDI, which
in turn will inuence job creation, stimulate certain industries and
projects, and the like. However, there is some debate about whether
tax incentives per se are actually eective in attracting FDI.4 It is
clear, however, that the cost of these incentives often outweighs
their intended benets.5 While the direct costs are taxes foregone
(which could potentially be valued in terms of an expenditure
budget), the indirect costs must also be considered. For example, the
indirect costs of tax holidays include revenue leakages, because once
they are exempt, corporations take advantage of the lax revenue
authority oversight during the tax holiday to manipulate nancial
records so as to reduce declared income once the tax holiday
ends.6 A further indirect cost is the increased administrative burden
2 OECD benchmark of denition of foreign direct investment in Glossary of
Foreign Direct Investment Terms and Denitions 4 ed (2008). It must be further noted
that several jurisdictions use reduced tax rates and tax holidays to attract foreign
investment, but this investment is not necessarily foreign direct investment but
rather passive or portfolio investments.
3 OECD (n2); SMA Abbas & A Klemm ‘A partial race to the bottom: Corporate
tax developments in emerging and developing economies’ (2013) 20 International
Tax Public Finance 596 at 600.
4 Abbas & Klemm (n 3) 600; MB Obwona ‘Deter minants of FDI and their
impact on economic growth in Uganda’ (2001) 13 African Development R 46 at 59;
RL Wellhausen ‘Innovation in tow: R&D FDI and investment incentives’ (2013)
15 Business and Politics 467; FR Root & AA Ahmed ‘The inuence of policy
instruments on manufacturing direct foreign investment in developing countries’
(1978) 9 J of International Business Studies 81; A Klemm & S van Parys Empirical
Evidence on the Eects of Tax Incentives (2009) 136.
5 LT Wells Jr & NJ Allen ‘Tax holidays to attract foreign direct investment’
in Using Tax Incentives to Compete for Foreign Investment: Are They Worth the Costs?
Foreign Investment Advisory Ser vice Occasional Paper 15 (2001) 24.
6 Wells & Allen (n5) 25.
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ARE DEVELOPING COUNTRIES IN AFRICA GETTING IT RIGHT? 151
placed on revenue authorities both during and after the tax holiday
period.7 The biggest cost, however, comes in the form of revenues
foregone as a result of tax incentives. The Tax Justice Network has
provided recent estimates suggesting that Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda
and Uganda are losing between US$ 1.5 billion and US$ 2 billion a
year in revenues foregone as a result of tax incentives.8
These direct and indirect costs result in a reduction in the
tax revenue collected by government, which may impact on
the government’s ability to provide public goods and services
to its citizens. This reduction in tax revenue may further aect a
government’s ability to deliver on its human rights obligations,
particularly those human rights obligations that require funding by
the government. If the tax incentive does not yield the envisaged
benets, the resultant reduction in tax revenue may result in budget
cuts as governments are forced to make up the shortfall in revenues
elsewhere.9 Not only is there the potential that services to the
most vulnerable parts of society may face these cuts in government
spending, but governments may be forced to raise taxes on ordinary
citizens through higher value-added tax (VAT) rates and excise
duties on goods such as fuels, and on services.10 Tax incentives
therefore cannot be seen in pure nancial terms, and the human
rights implications put a human face to tax incentives.
Many countries have signed international instruments that oblige
them to protect human rights and to implement steps to ensure the
enjoyment of these rights.11 The adoption of the Guiding Principles
7 J Mor isset & N Pirnia ‘How tax policy and incentives aect foreign direct
investment: A review’ in Using Tax Incentives to Compete for Foreign Investment: Are
They Worth the Costs? Foreign Investment Advisory Service Occasional Paper 15
(2001) 94.
8 Action Aid & Tax Justice Network Africa Still Racing to the Bottom? Corporate
Tax Incentives in East Africa (2016) 4.
9 S van Parys & S James ‘The eectiveness of tax incentives in attracting
investment: Panel data evidence from the CFA Franc Zone’ (2010) 17 International
Tax and Public Finance 400; A Klemm & S van Parys ‘Empirical evidence on the
eects of tax incentives’ (2012) 19 International Tax and Public Finance 393; Abbas &
Klemm (n3).
10 Action Aid Give Us a Break: How Big Companies are Getting Tax-Free Deals
(2013) 10.
11 These treaties and instruments have been adopted by the United Nations since
1945 and include the International Bill of Human Rights, which consists of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights (1966) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights (1966). The other core international human r ights instruments are the
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