‘He must buy what he stole and then we forgive’: restorative justice in Rwanda and Sierra Leone

JurisdictionSouth Africa
Published date15 August 2019
Date15 August 2019
Citation2007 Acta Juridica 171
AuthorBruce Baker
Pages171-192
‘He must buy what he stole and then we
forgive’: restorative justice in Rwanda
and Sierra Leone
BRUCE BAKER*
Coventry University
I INTRODUCTION
The emphasis on resolving disputes collectively through the interaction
of victim, offender and members of their communities has a long history
across Africa. Indeed it is still a dominant focus in justice structures
outside of the formal state sector. And since mostAfricans use non-state
justice systems, restorative justice is how most civil and criminal disputes
are handled. The agencies using elements of the restorative approach
include: customary courts, justice community-based organisations
(CBOs), local government structures and work committees. All use
restorative justice to varying degrees to resolve both minor and serious
disputes within their governance contexts. I say to varying degrees,
because none meet all the characteristics of restorative justice as
commonly def‌ined by its advocates. On the positive side: they all see the
harm done by crime as an offence against a person; they allow victims the
opportunity to participate; they bring victims and offenders together to
consider what has happened and to f‌ind a mutually acceptable resolution;
they encourage responsibility for actions; and seek the agreement of the
offender not to repeat the harm and for both sides to live in peace. On the
negative side: some do not operate a voluntary process; some still
over-emphasise apportioning guilt and blame; and some still seek
punishment, including disrespectful or degrading punishments, such as
public corporal punishment and shaming.
This paper examines the Sierra Leone chieftaincy courts, the Rwanda
local government structures, and the Rwandan genocide courts known
as gacaca, and then looks more brief‌ly at a justice community-based
organisation in Sierra Leone, and work-based associations in Rwanda
and Sierra Leone. All use restorative justice methods of dispute
resolution, including facilitation, negotiation, mediation and reparation.
For each example, an evaluation is offered based where possible on
answering seven questions:
* MA (Coventry) Ph D (Coventry); Professor of African Security, Coventry University,
UK.
171
2007 Acta Juridica 171
© Juta and Company (Pty) Ltd
1 How do the public and the formal justice system assess it?
2 Are the victims and perpetrators (and community) brought together
voluntarily?
3 Is the process conducted with equity and transparency?
4 Is the offender encouraged to accept responsibility for harm caused
and liability to repair such harm?
5 Does the process seek an agreement not to repeat the offence and
establish measures to prevent re-offending?
6 Does it reject disrespectful and degrading punishment?
7 Do the participants adhere to the agreement?
The paper concludes with an assessment of the potential and limitations
of a restorative approach to crime in Rwanda and Sierra Leone in
particular, and Africa more generally.
The account is based on aspects of research into policing undertaken in
2005 and 2006. Semi-structured interviews, focus groups, workshops
and observation were undertaken among providers of policing; users of
policing and key f‌igures from government administration, the commer-
cial sector, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), the political/
juridical sector, and the diplomatic/donor sector.
1
II SIERRA LEONE CHIEFTAINCY COURTS
The chiefs’ courts, for all their recent demise, are still probably the
predominant administrators of justice in rural Africa, even though some
countries have stripped them of their judicial powers and handed these to
lay magistrates. Though they operate on the basis of customary law, they
typically work within national constitutions. The courts have a concilia-
tory character, in that they aim to restore social order and peace between
members, following such matters as petty theft, f‌ights, out of wedlock
pregnancies, adultery and land disputes. If the dispute cannot be resolved
informally, the disputants will go to the village headman. The procedure
has a semi-judicial character and the dispute is examined thoroughly. If
the plaintiff does not obtain satisfaction, it can be taken to the chief’s
court, where the chief acts as the judge. The chief’s court is a public affair
in that everyone (usually all adult men of the tribe) can freely participate.
The men present have the right to cross-question the parties and to
express an opinion as to what the decision or verdict should be. When
the chief formally pronounces the verdict of the court, he seeks to ref‌lect
the consensus of opinion expressed by those present. Punishment may
1
The research in Sierra Leone was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council
(Award Reference: R000271293) and Coventry University. The research in Rwanda was
funded by the ESRC (Award Reference: RES–000–23–1102). Transcripts of the 500 or so
interviews are available at the ESDS web site, which is available at www.esds.ac.uk.
172 RESTORATIVE JUSTICE:POLITICS,POLICIES AND PROSPECTS
© Juta and Company (Pty) Ltd

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