External and internal common legal representation of victims at the International Criminal Court: Beyond the ‘Kenyan trial approach’

Date20 September 2021
AuthorKhamala, C.A.
DOIhttps://doi.org/10.47348/AYIH/2020/a6
Pages159-191
Published date20 September 2021
Citation(2020) African Yearbook on International Humanitarian Law 159
159
External and internal common
legal representation of victims at
the International Criminal Court:
Beyond the ‘Kenyan trial approach
Charles A Khamala*
Abstract
The International Criminal Court (ICC) is primarily mandated to
punish persons bearing the greatest responsibility for the worst crimes
known to mankind. Additionally, its victim reparations are contingent
on conviction; because of this, the Rome Statute’s retributive goal is
compounded with the inquisitorial function of seeking the truth by
realising the victim’s entitlement to participate at appropriate stages
throughout the proceedings. However, the suspect’s due process rights
must remain protected. While the Court balances these procedural
functions, vic tims’ representatives determine which vic tims are members
of the appropriate constituency. This paper ’s theoretical f ramework shows
how victims are vulnerable to their representative’s claims. Therefore,
the question arises as to whether external or internal legal representation
will be more effective for victims. This determines how victims’ voices
may best be elicited. Some victimologists contend that the exclusion of
an external Common Legal Representative (CLR) in the search of mass
atrocity solutions promotes merely symbolic, rather than meaningful,
victim participation in ICC proceedings. The Court insists on external
CLRs because of their local knowledge. Others emphasise the proximity
of the Ofce of the Public Counsel for Victims (OPCV) to judges as
providing access to justice at The Hag ue. Crucially, by requiring the OPCV
to interface between the external CLR and the Chamber in day-to-day
proceedings, the ‘Kenyan trial approach’ has made victims’ participation
more meaningful. Yet, following the Ruto and Sang case, the ICC faces
challenges when confronted with diverse modalities of implementing
reparations for multiple victi ms. In the Palestine situation, claims se eking
*Senior lecturer, Africa Nazarene University Law School and Academic Leader,
Criminal Justice and Security Management Programme; PhD in Droit Privé
(Sciences Criminelles) Université de Pau et des Pays de l’Adour (mention trés
honourable); LLM (University of London); LLB (Hons) (University of Nairobi);
PGDip (KSL); Member AD C-ICT, List of Counsel: ICC, IR MCT, AfCHPR, ECCC,
ICJ(K), ILA, AN CL and WSV; advocate of the High Court of Kenya. No part s of
this paper have been p ublished elsewhere. Responsibilit y for content is entirely
mine. Email: chalekha@yahoo.co.uk.
https://doi.org/10.47348/AYIH/2020/a6
(2020) African Yearbook on International Humanitarian Law 159
© Juta and Company (Pty) Ltd
160AFRICAN YEARBOOK OF INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW
https://doi.org/10.47348/AYIH/2020/a6
to promote victims’ interests required victim empowerment, including
strengthening appropriate victim constituencies through outreach to
enable them to articu late disagreements with their representatives . In the
Ongwen ca se, a broad interpretation gave victims’ voices enhanced agency
over the defence. Recently, in Ntaganda’s case, the Court directed the
Registry to liaise not only with the CLRs but also with the Trust Fund for
Victims for appropriate outreach a nd communication with victims.
Keywords: Rome Statute, International Criminal C ourt, victim partici-
pation, reparations, double status, constructive ambiguity, Common
Legal Representative, Kenyan trial approach
1 INTRODUCTION
The International Criminal Court (ICC), which was established by
the 1998 Rome Statute (Rome Statute), is an ambitious attempt by the
international community to provide legal redress for mass atrocity
victims.1 In terms of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence (RPE), an
instrument for the application of the Rome Statute of the ICC, ‘victims’
are dened as ‘natural persons who have suffered harm as a result of
the commission of any crime within the jurisdiction of the Court’.2
Victims ‘may include organizations or institutions that have sustained
direct harm to any of their property which is dedicated to religion,
education, art or science or charitable purposes, and to their historic
monuments, hospitals and other places and objects for humanitarian
purposes’.3 Section 2 of this paper illustrates that this buttresses the
requirement of the Victims’ Declaration that, in terms of Article 19 of
the UN Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime
and Abuse of Power,
States should consider incorporating into the national law norms
proscribing abuses of power and providing remedies to victims of
such abuses. In particular, such remedies should include restitution
and/or compensation, and necessary material, medical, psychological
and social assista nce and support.4
1 International Crimi nal Court Statute of Rome 1998, entered i nto force on 1 July
2002, available at res/ea9aeff7-5752-4f84-
be94-0a655eb30e16/0/rome_statute_english.pdf> (accessed on 1 November
2020) (hereaf ter the Rome Statute).
2 International Criminal Court ‘Rules of Procedure and Evidence’ (RPE) 31,
available at ps://www.icc-cpi.int/iccdocs/pids/legal-texts/rulesprocedure
evidenceeng.pdf > (accessed on 21 July 2021).
3 Ibid Rule 85(b).
4 General Assembly Resolution 40/34 (adopted on 29 Novemb er 1985), available
at //www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/documents/atrocity-crimes/
Doc.29_declaration%20victims%20crime%20and%20abuse%20of%20power.
pdf> (accessed on 2 Octo ber 2020).
© Juta and Company (Pty) Ltd
BEYOND THE ‘KENYAN TRIAL APPROACH’ 161
https://doi.org/10.47348/AYIH/2020/a6
Besides reparations,5 victims are also entitled to protection,6 recog-
nition7 and participation.8 However, most African states are ill-
equipped to effectively redress atrocity crimes.9 Section 3 of this
paper describes victimhood, distinguishes between different victim
categories and traces the improvements to the ICC’s initial procedural
problems encountered by victims seeking to apply for victim status.
Representatives must determine which victims are members of the
appropriate constituency. Section 4 of this paper therefore constructs
a normative framework that shows how representatives determine who
receives information about the proceedings, who can express their
concerns vis-à-vis their representatives, and who can contest claims.
Section 5 of this paper re-considers the ongoing debates about the
appropriateness of victim participation in ICC trials, the mechanisms
which give effect to part icipation, as well as their wider consequences.
Section 6 of this paper rev isits claims that t he ‘constructive ambiguit y’
contained in the Statute’s reparations and participatory regimes is
silent about whether victims may adduce evidence which impacts on
the substantive merits of the case. The ICC judges are given a wide
discretion to shape the victims’ participatory practice.10 They have
interpreted the relevant provisions conferring victim participants’
status as also compelling the Court to summon participants to play
the role of victim witnesses.11 As a result, the ICC’s legitimacy suffers
from perceptions that victim participation prejudices suspects. Such
perceptions, coupled with the ICC’s alleged targeting of situations
in African countries, have fuelled calls for withdrawal from
the Rome Statute.12
Section 7 of this paper traces the ‘double status’ problem of the
Rome Statute’s civil law features, which attempt to rescue victims
from their structurally subordinate and peripheral role in domestic
common-law criminal trials. Yet the ‘victim case’ at the ICC
potentially re-characterises the prosecution’s case and lengthens the
5 Rome Statute op cit note 1 art 75(1).
6 Ibid art 43(6).
7 Ibid arts 15(2), (3) and 19(2).
8 Ibid art 68(3).
9 Chris Mahony The Justice S ector Afterthought: Witness P rotection in Africa (2010)
12.
10Brianne McGon igle Leyh Procedural Justice? Victim Participation in International
Criminal Proceed ings (2011) 225.
11Tatiana BachvarovaThe Standing of Victims in the Procedural Design of the
International Cr iminal Court (2017).
12Tim Murithi ‘Between Political Justice and Judicial Politics: Charting a Way
Forward for the African Union and the International Criminal Court’ in
Gerhard Werle, Lovell Fernandez and Moritz Vormbaum (eds) Africa and the
International Cr iminal Court (2014) 179.
© Juta and Company (Pty) Ltd

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