Disposal of criminal disputes by informal mediation: A critical analysis

JurisdictionSouth Africa
Pages162-178
Published date24 May 2019
AuthorAdriaan Anderson
Date24 May 2019
Disposal of criminal disputes
by informal mediation: A critical
analysis
ADRIAAN ANDERSON*
‘Since the time of Plato’s Republic, and perhaps even earlier, philosophers,
lawyers and politicians have discussed the true meaning of justice. We can
have no doubt that when our descendants approach the fourth millennium
the topic will still be under active discussion’.1
ABSTRACT
The traditional re sponse to an offence is that the st ate brings crim inal
charges against t he perpetrator and a cour t imposes punish ment upon
conviction. In recent years there h as been a move away from trial as the
only manner of deal ing with crimi nal conduct through t he introduction of
alternative methods, wh ich are usually based on con sensus. In addition to
restorative justice and diversion from pr osecution, the National Pro secuting
Authority (NPA) uses informa l mediation as a means to n ally dispose
of crimina l cases. Almost a qu arter of all case s nalised in 2 015/16 were
resolved by informal medi ation. This art icle provides a description and
critical analysis of t he notion of informal me diation as applied by the NPA;
followed by a concluding suggestion that more detai led rules and sta ndards
for informal mediation mu st be developed and that the method must b e
widely publicised in order to give it legiti macy.
1 Introduction
The modern notion of a crime essent ially entails a public wrong which
requires ofcial state inter vention in the protection of the public
interest. Once an offender has been found guilt y, he/she is sentenced
by the court who imposes an appropriate punishment.2 T he state, as
custodian of the public interest, is i nterested in the prevention and
denunciation of crime, deterring potenti al offenders from perpetrati ng
crimes and t he rehabilitation of o ffenders. Offenders have t he
constitutionally gua ranteed right of innocence until proven guilt y.3
The victim’s interests arises i n the form of retribution or compensation
* B Iuris, LLB (Potch), LLM (Pr etoria), PhD (Amsterdam); A ssociate Professor, School
of Law, University of Limpopo.
1 TH Bingham T he Business of Judging. Selective Essays an d Speeches (2000) 269.
2 CR Snyman Criminal L aw 6ed (2014) 4.
3 Section 35(3)(h) Constitut ion of the Republic of South A frica, 1996.
162
(2017) 30 SACJ 162
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for the wrongs perpetrated against t heir person or property. To militate
against the potential danger of private vengeance and blood-feuds
from victims or their fam ilies, the state has usur ped the authority
to prosecute crimes since the 13th centur y.4 This resulted in the
classic structures of t he criminal ju stice system, such as a prosecuting
authority, the various tiers of courts presided over by judicial ofcers
and rules regulating procedure and ev idence. The state, represented by
the prosecuting authority, decides whether a particu lar crime should
be prosecuted, and the resolution of crimi nal disputes is essential ly
a one dimensional affair, aimed at balanci ng the conicting interests
of the state and the accused. Victim i nterests only play a part when
overlapping with the st ate’s public interest s.5
The reality, however, is that the courts are inundated with cri minal
matters and it is practically i mpossible to dispose of all crim inal matters
by way of the traditional trial. T he international trend in recent years
has therefore been to grant prosecutors a wider disc retion to dispose
of such matters, by giving them options to dispose of c riminal ca ses by
means other than cri minal trials.6 Examples of such alternative disposal,
or case-ending methods, i nclude diversion programmes,7 out-of- cour t
settlement agreements, deferral of prosec ution,8 penal orders,9 plea-
and-sentence agreements10 and restorative justice programmes.11
4 JMT Labuschag ne ‘Menseregtelike begrensi ng van die staat se diskresie om te ver volg’
(1997) 18 Obiter 1 at 2-3. By the 13th Centur y this was already widely pract iced and
later adopted in the Con stitutio Criminalis Carolina by Charles V in 1532.
5 L Meintjies-Van Der Walt ‘Towards victi ms’ empowerment strategies in the cri minal
justice process’ (1998) 11 SACJ 157 at 163.
6 PJP Tak (ed) Tasks and Powers of the Prose cution Services in the EU Member Sta tes
(2004) 243 and also t he earlier T vander Beken and M Kilchl ing (eds) The Role of the
Public Prosecutor in t he European Criminal Justice Syste ms (2000) 27.
7 A complete volume of the European Jo urnal on Criminal Policy and Research (v ol
14, Issue 2-3 Sept 200 8) has been dedicated to ‘Pro secution and Diversion w ithin
Crimina l Justice Systems i n Europe’.
8 Deferred prosecut ion often results in a defer red prosecution agreement (DPA) where
prosecution is susp ended pending the compliance wit h prescribed conditions whic h
can include condition s such as a nancial p enalty, compensation and pay ment
of costs and to implement me asures to prevent fut ure offending. See P Sprenge r
Deferred Pro secution Agreem ents: The Law an d Practice of Negotiate d Corporate
Criminal Penalties (2015) 12.
9 Originating f rom German cr iminal law, a penal ord er is a method of nal ising a
crimina l matter in that t he prosecutor deter mines the exte nt of the penalty, and
if the offender agre es with it, brings t he matter to an end. Se e SC Thaman ‘T he
penal order: Prose cutorial sentenci ng as a model for cooperative cr iminal ju stice
reform?’ in E Lun a, M Wade and A Bojariczyk (eds) The Prosecutor in Transnation al
Perspective (2012) 224.
10 W de Villiers ‘Plea an d sentence agreements in terms of s ection 105A of the Criminal
Procedure Act. A step for ward?’ (2004) 37 De Jure 244.
11 H Hargovan ‘A balancing act for prose cutors: Restorative justice, cri minal justice and
access to justice’ (2012) 42 SA Crime Q 13.
Disposal of criminal disputes by informal mediation:
A critical analysis 163
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