Child marriage, bridewealth and legal pluralism in Africa

• Jurisdiction: South Africa
• Pages: 77-104
• Citation: (2017) 4(2) Journal of Comparative Law in Africa 77
• Published date: 16 August 2019
• Author: Jane C Diala
• Date: 16 August 2019

77

CHILD MARRIAGE, BRIDEWEALTH AND

LEGAL PLURALISM IN AFRICA

JANE C DIALA* AND ANTHONY C DIALA**

Abstract

As a widespread practice, child mar riage has defied legislation in most sub-

Saharan African countries. Is there a link between this defiance and distortions of

the meaning of bridewealth? In its original sense, bridewealth functioned as the

legitimating sign of marriage, a pledge that the bride will be well treated and a

figurative recognition of her fecundity and worth to her community. Today, economic

stratification and other socio-economic changes have commercialised bridewealth

payment. This article draws a causal link between the distortion of bridewealth

payment and the persistence of child marriage in Africa. Arguably, this persistence

questions the influence of State law on normative behaviour in social fields. The

article locates this argument in the disconnection between State law and people’s

cultural practices, a notable feature of legal pluralism in post-colonial societies. While

legislation remains important in campaigns against child marriage, policy makers

should be mindful of its limitations in the face of customary law and socio-economic

realities. Accordingly, anti-child marriage campaigns should aim to educate role

players in child marriage and, generally, recognise the close link between early

marriage, high bridewealth and normative interaction.

En tant que pratique très répandue, le mariage infantile a défié la législation

dans la plupart des pays de l’Afrique sub-Saharienne. Y a-t-il un lien entre

cette défiance et la distorsion de la signification du ‘prix de la fiancée? Dans

son sens originel, le prix de la fiancée représentait un signe de la légitimation du

mariage, un engagement qui signifiait que la mariée sera bien traitée, ainsi qu’une

reconnaissance figurative de sa fécondité et de sa valeur pour sa communauté. De

nos jours, la stratification économique ainsi que d’autres changements économiques

ont contribué à commercialiser le paiement du ‘prix de la fiancée’. Cet artic le établit

un lien causal entre la distorsion du paiement du prix de la fiancée et la persistance

du mariage infantile en Afrique. On peut dire que cette persistance remet en

cause l’influence des lois du pays relatives aux comportements normatifs dans les

domaines sociaux. L’article situe cet argument dans la déconnexion entre les lois de

l’Etat et les pratiques culturelles des gens, un élément notoire du pluralisme légal

dans les sociétés post coloniales. Pendant que la législation demeure importante

dans les campagnes contre le mariage infantile, les législateurs devraient prendre en

considération ses limites face aux lois coutumières et aux réalités socioéconomiques.

Par conséquent, les campagnes de lutte contre les mar iages infantiles devraient

∗ PhD Candidate, University of Cape Town (UCT); LLM (UCT), BL (Nigerian Law School,

Enugu), LLB (Madonna Univer sity); Jane.Diala@alumni.uct.ac.za

∗∗ PhD (UCT); LLM (HRDA, Pretoria), BL (NLS, Abuja), LLB (ESUT); URC Postdoctoral

Fellow, Centre for Comparative Law in Africa, University of Cape Town; Anthony.Diala@uct.ac.za.

(2017) 4(2) Journal of Comparative Law in Africa 77

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78 JOURNAL OF COMPARATIVE LAW IN AFRICA VOL 4, NO 2, 2017

chercher à éduquer ceux qui jouent un rôle dans le mariage infantile et, de façon

générale, reconnaître le lien étroit entre le mariage infantile, les ‘prix de la fiancée’

élevés, et les interactions normatives.

Keywords: Child marriage, bridewealth, legal pluralism, Nigeria, southern

Africa

And what do we teach our children? We teach them that two and two

make four and that Paris is the capital of France. When will we also teach

them what they are? … You must work; we must all work, to make the

world worthy of its children.

Pablo Casals1

I. INTRODUCTION

Over the last century, the meaning of bridewealth has undergone

remarkable transformation in many sub-Saharan African countries.

This transformation is largely traceable to the socio-economic changes

brought by colonial rule.2 In its original sense, bridewealth functioned

as a legitimating symbol of marriage, a material pledge that the bride

will be well-treated and recognition of her fecundity and worth to her

community.3 In the past, it sometimes manifested as labour or service from

the groom to the bride’s family for a stipulated period of time, which was

sometimes accompanied by a small cash payment and drinks.4 However,

economic stratification and other socio-economic changes have led to a

distortion in the meaning of bridewealth. It is now regarded as a material

value provided by the g room or his family to the bride’s family.5 In many

communities, this value has transmogr ified into massive sums of money

or very expensive materials.6

This article draws a causal link between bridewealth distortion,

child marriage and normative interaction, otherwise referred to as legal

1 P Casals, Joys and Sorrows: Reflections by Pablo Casals as told to Albert E Kahn (1970) 295.

2 JC Diala, ‘The Distortion of the Meaning of Bride Wealth: Significance for the Evolution of

Living Customary Law in Southeast Nigeria’ (2014) LLM Dissertation, University of Cape Town 24-27.

See also UNICEF/UNIFEM, Fact Sheet No. 22: Discrimination against Women: The Convention and the

Committee (26 August 2003).

3 UC Isiugo-Abanihe, ‘Consequences of Bridewealth Changes on Nuptiality Patterns among

the Ibo of Nigeria’ in C Bledsoe & P Gilles (eds), Nuptiality in Sub-Saharan Africa: Contemporary

Anthropological and Demographic Perspectives (1994) 74-93; MB Mulder ‘Bridewealth and its Correlates:

Quantifying Changes Over Time’ (1995) 36(4) Current Anthropology 573-603 at 585.

4 G Fer raro and S Andreatta, Cultural Anthropology: An Applied Perspective (2014) 224.

5 Ibid at 222-225.

6 LA Obiora, ‘Reconsidering African Customary Law’ (1993) 17(3) Legal Studies Forum 217-

252 at 230; J Goody, ‘Bride wealth and Dowry in Afr ica and Eurasia’ in J Goody and SJ Tambiah

(eds), Bride wealth and Dowry (1973) 7; HF Morris, ‘Review of Development in African Marriage

Laws since 1950’ in A Philips and HF Morr is (eds), Marr iage Laws in Africa (1971) 35-59 at 50.

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