Child marriage, bridewealth and legal pluralism in Africa

JurisdictionSouth Africa
Pages77-104
Citation(2017) 4(2) Journal of Comparative Law in Africa 77
Published date16 August 2019
AuthorJane C Diala
Date16 August 2019
77
CHILD MARRIAGE, BRIDEWEALTH AND
LEGAL PLURALISM IN AFRICA
JANE C DIALA*ANDANTHONY C DIALA**
Abstract
As a widespread practice, child marriage has defied legislation in most sub-
Saharan African countries. Is there a link between this defiance and distortions of
the meaning of bridewealth? In its original sense, bridewealth functioned as the
legitimating sign of marriage, a pledge that the bride will be well treated and a
figurative recognition of her fecundity and worth to her community. Today, economic
stratification and other socio-economic changes have commercialised bridewealth
payment. This article draws a causal link between the distortion of bridewealth
payment and the persistence of child marriage in Africa. Arguably, this persistence
questions the influence of State law on normative behaviour in social fields. The
article locates this argument in the disconnection between State law and people’s
cultural practices, a notable feature of legal pluralism in post-colonial societies. While
legislation remains important in campaigns against child marriage, policy makers
should be mindful of its limitations in the face of customary law and socio-economic
realities. Accordingly, anti-child marriage campaigns should aim to educate role
players in child marriage and, generally, recognise the close link between early
marriage, high bridewealth and normative interaction.
En tant que pratique très répandue, le mariage infantile a défié la législation
dans la plupart des pays de l’Afrique sub-Saharienne. Y a-t-il un lien entre
cette défiance et la distorsion de la signification du ‘prix de la fiancée? Dans
son sens originel, le prix de la fiancée représentait un signe de la légitimation du
mariage, un engagement qui signifiait que la mariée sera bien traitée, ainsi qu’une
reconnaissance figurative de sa fécondité et de sa valeur pour sa communauté. De
nos jours, la stratification économique ainsi que d’autres changements économiques
ont contribué à commercialiser le paiement du ‘prix de la fiancée’. Cet artic le établit
un lien causal entre la distorsion du paiement du prix de la fiancée et la persistance
du mariage infantile en Afrique. On peut dire que cette persistance remet en
cause l’influence des lois du pays relatives aux comportements normatifs dans les
domaines sociaux. L’article situe cet argument dans la déconnexion entre les lois de
l’Etat et les pratiques culturelles des gens, un élément notoire du pluralisme légal
dans les sociétés post coloniales. Pendant que la législation demeure importante
dans les campagnes contre le mariage infantile, les législateurs devraient prendre en
considération ses limites face aux lois coutumières et aux réalités socioéconomiques.
Par conséquent, les campagnes de lutte contre les mariages infantiles devraient
PhD Candidate, University of Cape Town (UCT); LLM (UCT), BL (Nigerian Law School,
Enugu), LLB (Madonna Univer sity); Jane.Diala@alumni.uct.ac.za
∗∗PhD (UCT); LLM (HRDA, Pretoria), BL (NLS, Abuja), LLB (ESUT); URC Postdoctoral
Fellow, Centre for Comparative Law in Africa, University of Cape Town; Anthony.Diala@uct.ac.za.
(2017) 4(2) Journal of Comparative Law in Africa 77
© Juta and Company (Pty) Ltd
78JOURNAL OF COMPARATIVE LAW IN AFRICA VOL 4, NO 2, 2017
chercher à éduquer ceux qui jouent un rôle dans le mariage infantile et, de façon
générale, reconnaître le lien étroit entre le mariage infantile, les ‘prix de la fiancée’
élevés, et les interactions normatives.
Keywords:Child marriage, bridewealth, legal pluralism, Nigeria, southern
Africa
And what do we teach our children? We teach them that two and two
make four and that Paris is the capital of France. When will we also teach
them what they are? … You must work; we must all work, to make the
world worthy of its children.
Pablo Casals1
I. INTRODUCTION
Over the last century, the meaning of bridewealth has undergone
remarkable transformation in many sub-Saharan African countries.
This transformation is largely traceable to the socio-economic changes
brought by colonial rule.2 In its original sense, bridewealth functioned
as a legitimating symbol of marriage, a material pledge that the bride
will be well-treated and recognition of her fecundity and worth to her
community.3 In the past, it sometimes manifested as labour or service from
the groom to the bride’s family for a stipulated period of time, which was
sometimes accompanied by a small cash payment and drinks.4 However,
economic stratification and other socio-economic changes have led to a
distortion in the meaning of bridewealth. It is now regarded as a material
value provided by the groom or his family to the bride’s family.5 In many
communities, this value has transmogrified into massive sums of money
or very expensive materials.6
This article draws a causal link between bridewealth distortion,
child marriage and normative interaction, otherwise referred to as legal
1 P Casals, Joys and Sorrows: Reflections by Pablo Casals as told to Albert E Kahn (1970) 295.
2 JC Diala, ‘The Distortion of the Meaning of Bride Wealth: Significance for the Evolution of
Living Customary Law in Southeast Nigeria’ (2014) LLM Dissertation, University of Cape Town 24-27.
See also UNICEF/UNIFEM, Fact Sheet No. 22: Discrimination against Women: The Convention and the
Committee (26 August 2003).
3 UC Isiugo-Abanihe, ‘Consequences of Bridewealth Changes on Nuptiality Patterns among
the Ibo of Nigeria’ in C Bledsoe & P Gilles (eds), Nuptiality in Sub-Saharan Africa: Contemporary
Anthropological and Demographic Perspectives (1994) 74-93; MB Mulder ‘Bridewealth and its Correlates:
Quantifying Changes Over Time’ (1995) 36(4) Current Anthropology 573-603 at 585.
4 G Fer raro and S Andreatta, Cultural Anthropology: An Applied Perspective (2014) 224.
5 Ibid at 222-225.
6 LA Obiora, ‘Reconsidering African Customary Law’ (1993) 17(3) Legal Studies Forum 217-
252 at 230; J Goody, ‘Bride wealth and Dowry in Africa and Eurasia’ in J Goody and SJ Tambiah
(eds), Bride wealth and Dowry (1973) 7; HF Morris, ‘Review of Development in African Marriage
Laws since 1950’ in A Philips and HF Morr is (eds),Marr iage Laws in Africa (1971) 35-59 at 50.
© Juta and Company (Pty) Ltd

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